Skip to main content

China's Suspicions of Foreign Organizations Re-Emerge



Members of the environmental group Greenpeace show pictures of polluted rivers in China as part of a protest at a popular shopping area in Beijing. (PETER PARKS/AFP/Getty Images)

Summary


Wide-scale but low-profile examinations of foreign nongovernmental organizations and their connections with domestic academia and social institutions inside China reflect Beijing's growing paranoia. In particular, a recent probe exposed concerns about foreign organizations' influence over local affairs and their ability to attract intellectual communities -- key avenues for influencing public opinion, especially in regard to sensitive subjects such as the environment, human rights and political campaigns.

The rhetoric surrounding liberal reforms has grown in recent years, alongside increasing ideological debates in the public realm. The Communist Party is wary of losing ideological dominance and oversight of politically sensitive domains. The suspicion that Western organizations have a role to play in political unrest has exacerbated China's concerns. There is a genuine fear that the "color revolutions" in the former Soviet Union and beyond could be extended as a means to subvert Beijing. By integrating the investigation of non-governmental organizations under the newly established National Security Committee, Chinese President Xi Jinping's administration has indicated that the perceived threat from foreign organizations and the ideological battle against "peaceful evolution" has re-emerged as a national security priority.

Analysis


The attempts to tighten ideological oversight that began at the start of Xi's administration appear to have entered a new stage. Methods employed by the state included crackdowns on false rumors, microblogging and debates against constitutionalism. On June 10, the Communist Party's top anti-corruption watchdog made an unprecedented accusation that "hostile foreign forces" had infiltrated the Chinese Academy of Social Science -- the Party's top think tank. The anti-corruption body warned that the Chinese Academy of Social Science had developed "ideological problems," going on to criticize some of the brain trust's staff for promoting unorthodox views of politically sensitive topics online, even collaborating with external forces. Domestic think tanks such as the Academy of Social Science are considered critically important because of their ability to influence wider public opinion and shape strategic decisions involving national security. The controversial remark by the anti-corruption body soon generated wide indignation in public and intellectual circles.

Perhaps not coincidentally, wider probes into the role of foreign organizations and their domestic connections were conducted prior to any accusations being made publicly. According to a notice from the Yuncheng city government in Shanxi province, the newly established National Security Committee ordered a comprehensive investigation of foreign nongovernmental organizations, probing their activities, financial links and personnel inside the country. The inspection began in May and will end in late July. Some local reports suggest that similar probes have been conducted in a number of counties and townships in Guangdong, Guangxi and Shandong provinces, albeit discreetly.

Click to Enlarge

Growing Suspicions

No crackdowns have been made so far, and the latest investigation offered little indication as to which "hostile forces" or foreign institutions are being targeted. However, criticisms of the Chinese Academy of Social Science and the investigations into foreign nongovernmental organizations suggest that Beijing's concerns about foreign infiltration could be more than incidental. These recent events indicate that Beijing's suspicions could lead to broader attempts to rein in the activities and influence of foreign organizations in China.

Over the years, a proliferating number of foreign groups and think tanks, emboldened by their growing interactions with domestic partners, have begun augmenting governmental functions in areas such as poverty alleviation, environmental protection and educational services at the grassroots level. These groups gained influence by providing additional knowledge and experience in government policy-making. Despite restrictions on their operations -- mostly as a result of a rigorous registration process -- the central government had sought to cultivate foreign nongovernmental organizations and think tanks in the hope that these would contribute to ongoing assistance efforts. These considerations were reflected by a decision in July 2013 to ease requirements for international nongovernmental groups, allowing provincial governments to approve registration -- a power previously held only by the central government. Beijing also encouraged domestic think tanks and academic circles to better interact with foreign institutions, which could provide key expertise regarding the country's social and economic transition.

Giving foreign institutions increased (though still limited) access has led to much stronger suspicions about their operations. Beijing has concerns in several areas. Most prominently, it is cautious of the potential of foreign groups to mobilize the population through collaboration with local partners, or in some cases local governments. Anything that resists Beijing's aspirations when it comes to key issues such as major environmental projects is viewed with distrust. More important, Beijing is concerned about these organizations' ability to promote Western values such as human rights and democratic campaigns at the grassroots level.

Beijing's concern about the spread of Western ideology among the Chinese populace parallels a trend of growing political awareness among the public, alongside increasing demands for liberalism and political reforms, questioning the Party's dominant role. Such discourse is influential among intellectual and elite circles. Promoted by widening social networks, such thinking can often stir public grievances, sparking resistance at the lower level and generating opinions that oppose Beijing.
Ideological Combat and National Security Priority

The fear of ideological erosion and foreign infiltration has greatly defined the Communist Party's rule and political maneuvering since it took power. The latest ideological purification, which took place shortly after the beginning of Xi's mandate, came precisely as the leadership was promoting a host of liberal economic policies and legal reforms, while encouraging external exchanges designed to promote China's core values. These open discussions and proposed wide-scale economic reforms increased optimism about broader political change, reigniting ideological debates within public and academic discourse, centered on political liberalization, the country's direction and the Party's supremacy amid China's transition.

These growing debates and demands for change remind the Communist Party of the lessons learned from the student protests in Tiananmen Square and the circumstances that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party leadership believes that the loss of ideological control and political authority will create space for internal chaos and perhaps the eventual loosening of the Party's grip on power. This belief has often exacerbated Beijing's suspicion of Western governments and organizations and their roles in the Arab Spring and the color revolutions in the Former Soviet Union sphere. Beijing now believes that the West will expand its plans to contain China and use ideological propaganda and non-violent means to undermine the Communist Party. Such concerns will only grow as China attempts to undertake a major transformation and as the country's ideological vacuum continues to grow.

The role and responsibilities of the newly established National Security Committee in this latest investigation will be interesting to watch. The investigation of foreign nongovernmental organizations was the first specific responsibility given to the National Security Committee since its launch in November 2013, under Xi's express authority. The Committee aims to create a consolidated body, integrating internal and external security, intelligence and diplomatic work leading to the safeguarding of national security interests. By integrating the foreign organization task force into the Committee, Beijing is likely signaling that ideological purity (and therefore measures to prevent foreign infiltration) is a national security priority.


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Why States Still Use Barrel Bombs

Smoke ascends after a Syrian military helicopter allegedly dropped a barrel bomb over the city of Daraya on Jan. 31.(FADI DIRANI/AFP/Getty Images) Summary Barrel bombs are not especially effective weapons. They are often poorly constructed; they fail to detonate more often than other devices constructed for a similar purpose; and their lack of precision means they can have a disproportionate effect on civilian populations. However, combatants continue to use barrel bombs in conflicts, including in recent and ongoing conflicts in Africa and the Middle East, and they are ideally suited to the requirements of resource-poor states. Analysis Barrel bombs are improvised devices that contain explosive filling and shrapnel packed into a container, often in a cylindrical shape such as a barrel. The devices continue to be dropped on towns all over Syria . Indeed, there have been several documented cases of their use in Iraq over the past months, and residents of the city of Mosul, which was re

Russia Looks East for New Oil Markets

Click to Enlarge In the final years of the Soviet Union, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev began orienting his foreign policy toward Asia in response to a rising Japan. Putin has also piloted a much-touted pivot to Asia, coinciding with renewed U.S. interest in the area. A good expression of intent was Russia's hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in 2012 in Vladivostok, near Russia's borders with China and North Korea. Although its efforts in Asia have been limited by more direct interests in Russia's periphery and in Europe, Moscow recently has been able to look more to the east. Part of this renewed interest involves finding new export markets for Russian hydrocarbons. Russia's economy relies on energy exports, particularly crude oil and natural gas exported via pipeline to the West. However, Western Europe is diversifying its energy sources as new supplies come online out of a desire to reduce its dependence on Russian energy supplies . This has

LONDON POLICE INDIRECTLY ENCOURAGE CRIMINALS TO ATTACK RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC PROPERTY

ILLUSTRATIVE IMAGE A few days ago an unknown perpetrator trespassed on the territory of the Russian Trade Delegation in London, causing damage to the property and the vehicles belonging to the trade delegation , Russian Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said during the September 12 press briefing. The diplomat revealed the response by the London police was discouraging. Police told that the case does not have any prospects and is likely to be closed. This was made despite the fact that the British law enforcement was provided with video surveillance tapes and detailed information shedding light on the incident. By this byehavior, British law inforcements indirectly encourage criminals to continue attacks on Russian diplomatic property in the UK. Zakharova’s statement on “Trespassing on the Russian Trade Mission premises in London” ( source ): During our briefings, we have repeatedly discussed compliance with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, specif